Afghanistan

Have a look at the Exec Summary of the full text of #8 below on Afghanistan: it's a real breath of fresh air, calling a spade a spade, instead of the usual pablum written by/for the CGAP microcredit zealots!

Tom

Begin forwarded message:

From: dgAlert@developmentgateway.org
Date: November 19, 2007 7:58:19 AM PST (CA)
To: plutob@shaw.ca
Subject: Microfinance: 12 new items

Content update - Microfinance on the Development Gateway
-------------------------
12 new resources have been added to Microfinance on the Development Gateway
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance

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1. Report - Microinsurance Conference 2006
2. CGAP Working Group on Microinsurance
3. Microinsurance: Improving Risk Management for The Poor
4. Protecting the poor - A microinsurance compendium
5. Munich Re Foundation
6. Microinsurance aspects in agriculture
7. IRDA India
8. Microcredit, Informal Credit and Rural Livelihoods: A Village Case Study in Kabul Province
9. Finding the Money: Informal Credit Practices in Rural Afghanistan
10. The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
11. Citi-FT Financial Education Summit - December 6-7, Taj Palace Hotel, New Delhi, India
12. Causes of Poverty
-------------------------

1. Report - Microinsurance Conference 2006
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119875?intcmp=700
From 21 to 23 November 2006, the Microinsurance Conference 2006 took place in Cape Town, South Africa. The Conference was jointly hosted by CGAP [Consultative Group to Assist the Poor] Working Group on Microinsurance and the Munich Re Foundation with the support ...
Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

2. CGAP Working Group on Microinsurance
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119878?intcmp=700
The CGAP WORKING GROUP ON MICROINSURANCE seeks to promote the development and proliferation of insurance services for low-income persons through stakeholder coordination and information sharing.
Its main development activities include: Developing donor guidelines ...
Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

3. Microinsurance: Improving Risk Management for The Poor
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119880?intcmp=700
This newsletter is published three times a year by ADA for the CGAP Working Group on Microinsurance and presents key topics and experiences in microinsurance. The newsletter also includes updates on the Working Group's activities.
Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

4. Protecting the poor - A microinsurance compendium
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119882?intcmp=700
"This authoritative compendium brings together the latest thinking of leading academics, actuaries, and insurance and development professionals in the microinsurance field.The result is a practical, wide-ranging resource which provides the most thorough overview ...
Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

5. Munich Re Foundation
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119885?intcmp=700
"Munich Re has been handling global risks for 125 years.Today, it possesses expertise and know-how in all fields of competence connected with the subject of risk. People are ultimately at the core of what the foundations work is all about. The foundations task ...
Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

6. Microinsurance aspects in agriculture
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119891?intcmp=700
This new paper provides a short overview of the current discussions about agricultural insurance in developing countries.
"Agricultural microinsurance in the context of this discussion paper involves the broad question of how low-income farmers close to or below ...
Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

7. IRDA India
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119893?intcmp=700
The mission of IRDA India is to protect the interests of the policyholders, to regulate, promote and ensure orderly growth of the insurance industry and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.

Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

8. Microcredit, Informal Credit and Rural Livelihoods: A Village Case Study in Kabul Province
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119907?intcmp=700
This case study is the first in a series of three to examine how the entry of microcredit (MC)
into village and household economies in Afghanistan affects informal credit relations and
livelihood outcomes, either directly or indirectly, through effects on the ...
Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

9. Finding the Money: Informal Credit Practices in Rural Afghanistan
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119911?intcmp=700
Drawing from a detailed presentation of eight households case studies, and amplified with addition case material, a number of key conclusions can be drawn from the findings of this study. Source: AERU
Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

10. The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU)
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1119914?intcmp=700
The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) is an independent research organisation based in Kabul. AREU's mission is to conduct high-quality research that informs and influences policy and practice. AREU also actively promotes a culture of research and ...
Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 12 November, 2007

11. Citi-FT Financial Education Summit - December 6-7, Taj Palace Hotel, New Delhi, India
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1120007?intcmp=700
This milestone event will be the largest of its kind aimed at boosting
financial literacy, a critical life-skill that can help reduce poverty,
stimulate entrepreneurship and wealth creation at all levels of society,
and protect consumers and investors in turbulent ...
Contributed by Patricia Cheung on 13 November, 2007

12. Causes of Poverty
http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1120028?intcmp=700
Many developing nations are in debt and poverty partly due to the policies of international institutions like International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.

Their programs have been heavily criticized for many years for resulting in poverty. In addition ...
Contributed by Sidy Sissoko on 14 November, 2007

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This one seems to be the Afghanistan issue. Tom Begin forwarded message: From: dgAlert@developmentgateway.org Date: October 29, 2007 1:06:46 AM PDT (CA) To: plutob@shaw.ca Subject: Microfinance: 9 new items Content update - Microfinance on the Development Gateway ------------------------- 9 new resources have been added to Microfinance on the Development Gateway http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance Too much e-mail? See how to change your settings at the bottom of this message. -------------------------------------------------- 1. ICT for poverty reduction 2. The Microfinance Investment Support Facility for Afghanistan 3. Afghanistan Microfinance Initiative (AMFI) 4. The Afghanistan Rural Microcredit Programme (ARMP) 5. BRAC Afghanistan 6. OXUS Afghanistan 7. The Mann Deshi Business School for Rural Women (MDBS) 8. Mann Deshi Mahila Ltd. Bank 9. The Business School on Wheels for Rural Women ------------------------- 1. ICT for poverty reduction http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1117766?intcmp=700 Dear members, as you all of heard about the video conferencing and remote IT services. in India you all know that infrastructure is the main problem for the agriculturist. even now farmers are not getting their right prices of their produce because of lots ... Contributed by perwinder singh on 22 October, 2007 2. The Microfinance Investment Support Facility for Afghanistan http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1118118?intcmp=700 MISFA was set up at the invitation of the Afghan government - to get donor coordination right from the start and avoid the counter-productive efforts that have emerged from conflicting donor objectives in other post-conflict situations. It was the first facility ... Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 25 October, 2007 3. Afghanistan Microfinance Initiative (AMFI) http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1118127?intcmp=700 CHF International's Afghanistan Microfinance Initiative (AMFI) offers credit and working capital to low-income households in Bamiyan and Ghazni provinces. The program uses solidarity group method to offer credit to business owners. The goal of the program is to ... Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 25 October, 2007 4. The Afghanistan Rural Microcredit Programme (ARMP) http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1118133?intcmp=700 The Aga Khan Foundation is a non-denominational, international development agency established in 1967 by His Highness the Aga Khan. Its mission is to develop and promote creative solutions to problems that impede social development, primarily in Asia and East Africa ... Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 25 October, 2007 5. BRAC Afghanistan http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1118139?intcmp=700 BRAC Afghanistan was setup by BRAC, the largest NGO in Bangladesh, in 2003. Since then the organization has expanded rapidly to become the leading microfinance institution in Afghanistan. As of September 2006, BRAC Afghanistan works in 19 provinces offering loans ... Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 25 October, 2007 6. OXUS Afghanistan http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1118145?intcmp=700 OXUS Afghanistan is part of the OXUS Development Network (ODN), a global network of MFIs affiliated to ACTED. OXUS Afghanistan is currently providing loans to solidarity groups of women and men for income-generating activities. The organization works in Kabul, ... Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 25 October, 2007 7. The Mann Deshi Business School for Rural Women (MDBS) http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1118300?intcmp=700 The Mann Deshi Business School for Rural Women (MDBS) is a new program that provides training in technical, financial and marketing skills to women with no formal education and to girls who have dropped out of high school, allowing them to start and improve their ... Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 26 October, 2007 8. Mann Deshi Mahila Ltd. Bank http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1118308?intcmp=700 Mann Deshi (MDMSB) is a regulated cooperative bank run by and for women in rural Maharashtra. Founded in 1997, it is Indias first rural financial institution to receive a cooperative license from the Reserve Bank of India. The MDMSB is committed to promoting ... Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 26 October, 2007 9. The Business School on Wheels for Rural Women http://topics.developmentgateway.org/microfinance/rc/ItemDetail.do~1118312?intcmp=700 The Business School on Wheels for Rural Women is Mann Vikas innovative solution to making its range of courses accessible to women who due to financial or cultural constraints would be unable to access training in a central location. A bus has been designed and ... Contributed by Carmen Villegas Caballero on 26 October, 2007 ************************************** This alert is provided by the Development Gateway - your online platform for knowledge sharing and collaboration. Please help us sustain this important service by making a financial contribution today at (https://secure.groundspring.org/dn/index.php?aid=7947). Contributions to the Development Gateway Foundation, a tax-exempt public charity under Section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code, are deductible for computing income and estate taxes in the United States. ************************************** ============================================================== NEW ----Read the Development Gateway Special Report - Urban Environment: Challenges to Sustainability http://topics.developmentgateway.org/special/urbanenvironment ============================================================== -------------------------------------------------- You are receiving this e-mail because you are a member of Microfinance on the Development Gateway You chose to receive these content updates weekly. To unsubcribe or change how often you receive e-mail from this site, go to http://topics.developmentgateway.org/um~user/showUserUpdate.do

Afghanistan: Can It Be Saved? Mathaba.Net Posted: 2007/10/29 by Susanne Koelbl in Bagram (Spiegel Online) Who are the Taliban? The common image is that of a horde of bearded religious wackos swarming through Afghanistan ready to cut down any infidels who might cross their path. A movement that is gaining adherents by the day. And a movement that is making the Western efforts to pacify the country look Sisyphean in the face of rising extremist violence. But the truth looks quite a bit different. The truth is that the Taliban -- at least as a broad popular movement -- doesn't exist at all. The extremist leadership under Mullah Omar consists of a small circle of a few dozen men hardly anyone ever sees. Their trusted supporters are a few thousand indoctrinated religious fanatics, ever-ready to provide their services as foot soldiers as needed. The rest of the so-called Taliban have little to do with the religiously indoctrinated Koran students of the Taliban. Former mujahedeen, local militia leaders and field commanders who lend their services to the holy warriors make up the group's fighting force. And religion is little more than a pretext. Not only does it help to motivate impoverished villagers to take up arms, but it also hides their true desires for power and influence -- and for a share of the customs duties that are one of the main sources of revenue in Afghanistan. It is a motivation that carries with it the key to pacifying the country. All one has to do, it would seem, is ensure that the warriors get their share of power as a precursor to reaping some benefits from a future economic recovery. That, though, as the past few years have amply demonstrated, is much more easily said than done. Afghanistan is a country with myriad players all competing for their slice of power. Moreover, a man from the Durrani dynasty -- Hamid Karzai -- has reserved the presidency for himself. The ancient Durrani dynasty has reigned supreme for more than two centuries -- but the rival Ghilzai tribe, which has long competed with the Durranis, is now fighting to regain the power it has lost in the south of the country. Mullah Omar is one of the Ghilzais, as are many of his followers. In other words, much of the insurrection is really a tribal feud. A Bloody Turf War Karzai's younger brother Ahmed Wali is doing little to quell the bloody quarrel. Holder of a key position in southern Afghanistan, Wali has been largely excluding Ghilzais from potentially lucrative government contracts and privileges. Still, there is more to the struggle than just economic interests, as regional politics plays a vital role. The Taliban, after all, could never have made such a quick comeback after their 2001 drubbing were they not able to count on influential backers. Take Pakistan, for example. While Pakistan's President General Pervez Musharraf pays lip service to helping the United States and the West, the Taliban -- the recipient of vital support from the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) -- has always been able to count on his country as a safe haven. Even today, the connection between the Taliban and their neighbor to the east is still maintained. Pakistan has no intention of losing its hard-won influence among the Pashtuns in southern and eastern Afghanistan. Access to the economy, smuggling deals and disputed borders are at issue. Moreover, Pakistan fears a strongly pro-American Afghanistan, which could eventually form a hostile alliance with Pakistan's arch-rival India. Iran 's New Strategy Meanwhile, the Taliban may be getting support from Afghanistan's western neighbor as well. Shiite Iranians have traditionally been enemies of the Sunni Taliban and have supported the Karzai government until now. But the geopolitical present is slowly trumping the Sunni-versus-Shiite past in the region with the presence of US troops in Afghanistan becoming an increasingly painful thorn in Iran's side -- especially given the bellicose rumblings coming out of Washington these days. Certain Iranian groups are now said to be systematically providing the Taliban with high-tech weapons. Terrorist godfather Gulbuddin Hekmatyar -- a former mujahedeen leader in Afghanistan who once lived in exile in Iran and has been blamed for numerous suicide attacks -- is reputed to have new and close contacts in Iran. The Russians, too, disapprove of the heavy Western presence on their southern border and are providing massive support to northern Afghans interested in a regime change. Indeed, the hidden players directed by Afghanistan's neighbors are at work everywhere. They can be found on the battlefield but also in the Wolesi Jirga (House of the People), the lower house of the bicameral National Assembly of Afghanistan, where they operate as well-instructed -- and well-paid -- parliamentarians. Many in Kabul even suspect them of being at work within the cabinet of President Karzai. Which raises the question: Is the Taliban so difficult to defeat militarily because they are actually fighting as proxies for others? Cannon Fodder In the summer of 2006, the British security briefings estimated that there were 1,000 Taliban fighters in the southern Helmand province. Since April 2006, at least 600 fighters have been killed according to estimates by soldiers deployed in the area -- but the enemy front has still not collapsed. The reservoir of religiously inspired cannon fodder in the region seems inexhaustible. A Lack of German Leadership So, are negotiations with the Taliban unavoidable? Should the West accept an Afghan government that includes extremist murderers and enemies of democracy? President Karzai recently proposed just that, even offering Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and Mullah Omar direct negotiations -- an offer that was made just hours after the Taliban had perpetrated the most devastating attack in Kabul in years. The prompt rejection of the offer was hardly a surprise. The real Taliban, with their shuras (councils) in Quetta, Pakistan, and in the ancestral territory of Waziristan, are not prepared to negotiate. The future likewise holds little promise in that regard. Why should they be content with a third of the pie when they could, in the end, have all of it for themselves? With their war chest filled to the brim with drug money and with strong groups of supporters in both Afghanistan's neighbor states and in the Gulf states, they can still hold out a long time. It is a dangerous mix that feeds international terrorism. Hostile to the Foreigners The Taliban's calculation is a cynical one: Popular disenchantment with the Karzai government and the presence of foreign powers in Afghanistan continues to grow the longer the military conflict continues. The reasons young Pashtuns support the Taliban are many -- ranging from poverty through religious conviction to sheer lack of an alternative. But when a son or brother dies in a Western bomb attack, the entire family becomes immediately hostile to the presence of foreign troops. Western coalition forces have therefore focused on pursuing the leaders of the "insurrection." And there have been a number of successes. The most powerful field commander -- Mullah Dadullah, a kind of Taliban war minister -- was killed, as was another high-ranking commander, Mullah Osmani. But while the Taliban leadership has been weakened, there is now a larger number of minor sub-commanders, making the structures much more complicated. And the big names like Mullah Omar or Sirajuddin Haqqani are untouchable; they are all in Pakistan, sources within NATO say. It has become difficult to say just what promotes peace and what fuels war in Afghanistan. There was a time when US forces with Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) were responsible for the rough work, while troops associated with the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) focused more on reconstruction. But those times are long gone. Today, OEF and ISAF cooperate closely. Indeed, most civilian casualties are no longer caused by OEF operations. Shelling in conjunction with ISAF missions has become much more dangerous. "We're all doing the same thing. OEF and ISAF are doing the same thing. Everyone has the same goal," says ISAF spokesman David Accetta at Bagram Airbase, a US headquarters 50 kilometers (30 miles) north of Kabul. Accetta is a calm man in his early forties, of medium height and with thick black hair. He knows how sensitive Europeans are about military operations, but Accetta also says that the Americans no longer want to be the fall guys whenever something goes wrong in Afghanistan. Indeed, the American point of view is that they are the only ones really standing up to terrorism -- and the Europeans are just getting a free ride. Fighter Jets by the Minute At night, F-15 fighters and A-10 bombers thunder into the sky above Bagram. The US pilots are constantly answering ISAF requests for air support. Only very few countries have their own combat helicopters and cargo vehicles. Most are like the Germans: entirely dependent on the US military in a country like Afghanistan. General Dan McNeill, 61, is ISAF's supreme commander. The American four-star general, with his parted blonde hair and prominent cheek bones, has the reputation of being tough. He was a soldier in the Vietnam War and has an earlier tour in Afghanistan under his belt as well. McNeill does not want to lose. As early as 2002, he complained that too little reconstruction aid was being provided and that the West was leaving Afghanistan in the lurch. Then the war in Iraq moved Afghanistan to the very bottom of the list of priorities -- for three long, and largely wasted, years. But since the beginning of this year, the Americans have awakened from their slumber. Iraq, many have understood, is a lost cause. Even the British have withdrawn more than 1,000 troops from Basra -- a number equal to those now being sent as reinforcements to Afghanistan. Many are now doing what they can to ensure the mission in Afghanistan becomes a success. The US, too, is throwing help at Kabul. Most recently, Congress earmarked $2.5 billion to help set up an effective police force in the country. Washington likewise dispatched 2,500 soldiers and hundreds of instructors from the security company DynCorp to work as police instructors. Since spring, they have been training police officers in Kabul and elsewhere -- a tacit admission to a grave failure. The country's weak, corrupt police force is one of the main reasons for Afghans' loss of faith in the Karzai government. Developing the police force was supposed to be the Germans' job. But despite its "lead nation" status, Germany hasn't been leading. Now the Americans have taken charge. Germany Fails the United States Berlin had dispatched only 42 police instructors to Afghanistan. A hundred times that number is needed. Until recently, the Germans trained future police officers only in Kabul. But the Afghan police forces in the provinces have neither the vehicles nor the gasoline to travel to Kabul in order to attend training courses. Most importantly, no police officer can afford to stay away for weeks or even months from the family he must provide for. Germany -- the so-called "lead nation" -- has spent 12 million ($17 million) a year on the police program and trained 19,000 policemen in five years. The target for next year is 82,000. Now the German government wants to double the budget for the program. If the mission in Afghanistan is to succeed, then efforts going far beyond what is currently being discussed need to be made. General McNeill recently told his military colleagues at an exclusive meeting at ISAF's headquarters in Kabul that he needs 160,000 troops in order to make the country safe. His colleagues were astonished -- but he was dead serious. But more than just additional military force is required. Afghanistan needs thousands of engineers, police instructors, economists and agricultural experts. What is also perhaps needed is recognition that, as unpleasant as that may be, there will be no progress without cooperation with Afghanistan's neighbors: Iran, Russia and also China.

Afghan Security Concerns Rise With Strife, Poll Finds The New York Times By KIRK SEMPLE Published: October 23, 2007 KABUL, Afghanistan Oct. 22 In a 12-month period during which the Taliban insurgency spread in Afghanistan and violence rose in the countrys major cities, Afghans grew increasingly concerned about security and more people came to regard it as the most serious issue facing the nation, according to the results of a poll set for release on Tuesday. About a third of the polls respondents said security issues, including terrorism and violence, were the single biggest problem in Afghanistan, a significant increase from a similar poll last year, in which only 22 percent gave top priority to security concerns. Insecurity is the main reason for the people to believe that the country is headed in the wrong direction, the authors of the poll wrote. In the eyes of men and women of Afghanistan, the security situation in the country has deteriorated. But the survey, financed by the United States, found that, over all, Afghans have about the same view of their countrys path as they did last year. Forty-two percent of respondents said the country was moving in the right direction, compared with 44 percent last year, according to the Asia Foundation, a nonprofit organization based in San Francisco, which conducted both surveys. With a margin of sampling error of plus or minus two percentage points, the change is not considered significant. Twenty-four percent said the country was headed in the wrong direction this year, compared with 21 percent in 2006. The poll was financed by the United States Agency for International Development and conducted by a team of Afghans, who interviewed more than 6,200 people in June in rural and urban areas in all of Afghanistans provinces. The main goal was to gauge public sentiments on social and political issues, in a country that is undergoing rapid changes, the authors said. In addition to security issues, respondents listed unemployment, the poor economy and corruption as major concerns. A majority of those interviewed 57 percent said national corruption had worsened in the past year, but fewer than half said it had worsened at the provincial and local levels. Nevertheless, 60 percent said corruption remained a major problem at the provincial level. The poll said development-related issues remained the biggest local problems, with respondents citing, in order of importance, electricity, unemployment, water, education and roads. The only exception to those priorities was in the southwestern provinces, where the Taliban insurgency has been most active and security was regarded as the biggest local problem. Of those who said Afghanistan was headed in the right direction, 39 percent said reconstruction was the biggest factor and 34 percent cited good security. About 25 percent of those surveyed said the government was doing a very good job and 55 percent said it was doing a somewhat good job. The survey also found evidence to suggest that the ideas of political tolerance and freedom of expression were not yet firmly rooted in Afghan society. A large proportion of respondents said Afghans did not feel free to express their political opinions in the area where they live, and 69 percent agreed it was not acceptable to speak critically about the government in public. The survey showed confidence in some national institutions, including the security forces, the news media, tribal and provincial councils, aid groups and some government entities. But fewer than half of the respondents expressed confidence in the governments justice system, political parties and local militias. The poll showed mixed feelings about the empowerment of women. About 53 percent of the respondents said they strongly agreed that women should have equal rights, while 32 percent somewhat agreed. A majority of men and women agreed that women should be allowed to work outside the home, but a majority of men and women also agreed that women should wear a burqa in public. Respondents expressed respect for religion. About 66 percent said they believed democracy could be Islamic, while 29 percent said democracy challenged Islamic values. Afghanistan residents believe security is deteriorating: U.S. survey By The Associated Press 23/10/2007 KABUL, Afghanistan Afghans believe the security situation in their country has deteriorated, compared with last year, but they say life is better now than under Taliban rule, a U.S.-funded survey released Tuesday found. About 46 % of more than 6,200 adults surveyed countrywide feel security is the biggest problem afflicting the country, while 29 % think it is unemployment, according to the survey, which was conducted by the Asia Foundation and paid for by the U.S. Agency for International Development. In the 2006 survey, it was unemployment first, followed by security and corruption, and this time around it is security first followed by unemployment and poor economy. This further underlines the deterioration in security in the eyes of the common Afghans, the survey said. Despite the rise in violence, about four in 10 of those responding said they feel the country is headed in the right direction. Thats roughly the same as those who answered the 2006 survey. Half of those surveyed said they were more prosperous today than during Taliban rule in the late 1990s. Afghanistan is experiencing its worst bout of violence since the Taliban were removed from power in a U.S.-led invasion in 2001. More than 5,200 people mostly militants have died in insurgency-related violence so far this year, according to an Associated Press count based on figures from Afghan and Western officials. Insecurity is the main reason for the people to believe that the country is headed in the wrong direction, the survey said. While lack of security was the top-ranked national issue, those surveyed identified a lack of electricity and water, and unemployment as the main problems on a local level, the survey found. The foundation said the survey was conducted in all 34 provinces and was the largest comprehensive opinion poll ever conducted in Afghanistan. Some 6,263 people 18 and older were interviewed in person by a team of 494 trained interviewers between June 11 and June 22. The margin of error was 2.4 percentage points, it said. Almost half of the people of Afghanistan think that their families are more prosperous today than they were during the Taliban regime, the survey found. However, more than a fourth think they are less prosperous today. More than 80 % of the respondents said they have confidence in the Afghanistans National Army and the countrys troublesome police force, while more than half said they do not trust the formal justice system and would rather rely on traditional forms of justice decisions by local councils to settle their disputes. About eight in 10 felt that cultivation of opium poppies was wrong, with half of these respondents citing religion as the reason, but only about one in 10 linked the trade to terrorism, insecurity and corruption in the country, it said. Afghanistan accounts for more than 93 % of the worlds supply of opium, the main ingredient in heroin, a lucrative trade whose proceeds in part fund some of the Taliban-led insurgency. The drug trade also has a corrupting influence on local government officials. Many in Afghanistan optimistic Reuters Africa Tue 23 Oct 2007 SINGAPORE (Reuters) Many Afghans are optimistic about the direction the war-torn country is taking, but have mixed feelings about their government, a survey released on Tuesday found. Forty-two percent of those interviewed this year said things were moving in the right direction, marginally lower than the 44 percent in 2006, the U.S.-based Asia Foundation said. That compared to 24 percent who saw Afghanistan moving in the wrong direction, an increase from 21 percent the previous year. It was the Foundation's third such poll since 2004 and involved more than 6,000 interviews with Afghan men and women across the country. While 80 percent thought the government was doing a good job, 79 percent said it did not care what people thought and 69 percent that talking negatively about the government in public was unacceptable. Corruption was seen as a major problem throughout government, although: "Perception of the prevalence of corruption was higher at the national level", where 74 percent saw widespread corruption against 48 percent for the local level. The Foundation, a non-profit private organisation, said it designed and directed the survey, although funding came from a U.S. government aid agency grant. Of those surveyed who thought the country was moving in the wrong direction, 48 percent cited insecurity as the main reason. A Taliban-led insurgency backed by al Qaeda has intensified in Afghanistan in the past two years, with this year one of the most violent since 2001 when the Taliban lost control of the government in fighting with other Afghan and U.S.-led forces. Still, two-thirds of those polled thought security in their own areas was good or quite good. While the government and its foreign allies have scored some major conventional successes this year, the Taliban have increasingly turned to such tactics as suicide bombs and roadside explosives, with much of that activity occurring since field work for the survey was conducted in June. Government and allied forces have meanwhile been criticised for inflicting civilian casualties, especially in aircraft bombing raids. Corruption in government worries Afghans Ninemsn Tuesday Oct 23 Many Afghans are optimistic about the direction the war-torn country is taking, but have mixed feelings about their government, a new survey shows. Forty-two per cent of those interviewed this year said things were moving in the right direction, marginally lower than the 44 per cent in 2006, the US-based Asia Foundation said. That compared to 24 per cent who saw Afghanistan moving in the wrong direction, an increase from 21 per cent the previous year. It was the Foundation's third such poll since 2004 and involved more than 6,000 interviews with Afghan men and women across the country. While 80 per cent thought the government was doing a good job, 79 per cent said it did not care what people thought and 69 per cent said that talking negatively about the government in public was unacceptable. Corruption was seen as a major problem throughout government, although: "Perception of the prevalence of corruption was higher at the national level", where 74 per cent saw widespread corruption against 48 per cent for the local level. The Foundation, a non-profit private organisation, said it designed and directed the survey, although funding came from a US government aid agency grant. Of those surveyed who thought the country was moving in the wrong direction, 48 per cent cited insecurity as the main reason. A Taliban-led insurgency backed by al-Qaeda has intensified in Afghanistan in the past two years, with this year one of the most violent since 2001 when the Taliban lost control of the government in fighting with other Afghan and US-led forces. Still, two-thirds of those polled thought security in their own areas was good or quite good. While the government and its foreign allies have scored some major conventional successes this year, the Taliban have increasingly turned to such tactics as suicide bombs and roadside explosives, with much of that activity occurring since field work for the survey was conducted in June. Government and allied forces have meanwhile been criticised for inflicting civilian casualties, especially in aircraft bombing raids.

Security remains elusive in Afghanistan, says UK think tank London Oct.19 (ANI) A British foreign policy think-tank says that international forces have failed to bring satisfactory security to Afghanistan. The Chatham House report says that they lack a coherent strategy. According to the BBC, the report says that NATO and US forces need a strategy which integrates the fight against Taleban insurgents with reconstruction efforts. It also highlights Pakistan as a significant arms source and recruitment base for the insurgents. The report says that as long as Pakistan remains a safe haven for the Taleban and al-Qaeda, international forces will not be able to control Afghanistan. The report's revelations have surfaced even as a foreign news agency quoted Afghan Defense Minister Abdul Rahim Wardak as saying in Washington that suicide bombings in Afghanistan were up 50 percent from a year ago and that the Afghan army needed more troops and equipment. "We have achieved a great deal with limited manpower and old weapons and equipment. Imagine what we could do with better equipment and additional help," Wardak said after meeting with U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates at the Pentagon. Despite six years of war in Afghanistan, the Taliban regained strength in 2006 and has ramped up attacks on U.S., Afghan and NATO forces this year. NATO forces also have begun to intercept convoys of bomb technology coming into Afghanistan from Iran, according to NATO and U.S. military officials. Wardak called the past two years "the most difficult and challenging since 2001." The Taliban government was overthrown that year by Afghan and U.S.-led forces. That rising violence comes as NATO commanders say they still face shortages in troops, trainers, helicopters and other equipment needed to fight the war.

The justification at the end is interesting to say the least The treasures of Turquoise Mountain Canadian-funded plan aims at breathing new life into ancient culture The Toronto Star (Canada) October 14, 2007 Olivia Ward FOREIGN AFFAIRS REPORTER In Afghanistan, ragged gashes cut through the cliffs of Bamiyan, where giant Buddha statues that symbolized an age of culture and tolerance once towered. The Taliban's bombing of the 5th-century Buddhas outraged the world and became an image of the annihilation of Afghanistan's past, as though the claws of war had reached back in time to shred the very identity of its people. But deliberate destruction accounts for only a fraction of the losses of Afghanistan's cultural treasures. Greed, opportunism and dire poverty have propelled armies of looters through the country's museums and archaeological sites, stripping away thousands of years of cultural history. Meanwhile, Afghanistan's artists and artisans fled decades of warfare and repression, and most of those who remained were forced to abandon their work for the art of day-to-day survival. Former British diplomat Rory Stewart saw the sacking of Afghanistan's culture first-hand, walking through the country shortly after the 2001 rout of the Taliban. Two years ago, he returned to set up a project aimed at replacing some of the losses and rebuilding a centuries-old culture. Last week, Stewart's Turquoise Mountain Foundation was awarded a $3 million grant from the Canadian government to train new artists and restore Kabul's crumbling old market district of Murad Khane. For Oxford-educated Stewart, a long love affair with Afghanistan's rich history culminated in a near-fatal odyssey through mountains and plains in the dead of winter, following a trail of destruction and dilapidation. In west central Afghanistan, Stewart made one of his saddest discoveries: a site that may be that of the legendary Turquoise Mountain, a city built in the 12th century by the Persian-linked Ghorids, who presided over a Silk Road trading empire boasting exquisite Asian art and crafts. In his book The Places in Between, Stewart lamented that it was too late to save the remains of the site, burned out by the Mongol conqueror Genghis Khan and plundered by modern villagers who sold its unique artifacts to antiquities dealers for a few dollars. But on returning to Afghanistan in 2005, he says, "I realized that the skills so triumphantly displayed at Turquoise Mountain were not entirely lost." The Aga Khan Trust for Culture was helping to restore historic neighbourhoods of Kabul, where Stewart witnessed an Afghan craftsman, 73-year-old Ustad Abdul Hadi, carving a "crisp Islamic screen" and viewed the painstaking work of traditional calligraphers and potters. But other areas of Kabul were in danger, including Murad Khane, which flourished in the 18th century but now is without paved roads, water or sewers, its buildings slumping precariously. Stewart was determined to save it from total ruin. It helped that Britain's Prince Charles was an old acquaintance who once hired him to tutor sons William and Harry. An architecture enthusiast who shared Stewart's passion for preserving traditional Afghan arts and architecture, Charles met with President Hamid Karzai to discuss the possibilities. For expertise he turned to Stewart, who had a plan and the background to carry it out. Already experienced in restoration projects as a coalition deputy governor in southern Iraq, he saw the restoration of the old marketplace in the town of Amara win applause from local merchants and a carpentry school in Nasiriyah take "200 unemployed and often radical men from the streets and trained them in basic joinery. "Almost all of them subsequently found work." It was a blueprint for Afghanistan and the Turquoise Mountain Foundation. "This means that this city will be ready to welcome the citizens and artists of Afghanistan with restored buildings, improved infrastructure and a refurbished cultural centre," said International Co-operation Minister Bev Oda, as the grant was announced last week in Kabul. The Murad Khane restoration is "a project that would honour local culture rather than attacking it," Stewart says, adding that it would be "quick, flexible and visible and would generate as much employment as possible." When Afghans see no progress, he points out, they quickly place the blame on Western countries that present themselves as rescuers. But Stewart's plan was also risky. It could be dismissed as fanciful by embittered Afghans who've suffered years of trauma and destitution. And the owners of the crumbling edifices could see more profit in "McBuildings" than in carefully restored heritage sites. With Afghans' general loss of skills not to mention basic literacy rebuilding also means a large-scale crash re-education program. The project has passed its first tests. It is regenerating the old town, saving historical buildings and setting up galleries for traditional craft businesses that could be Kabul's future Yorkville. For now, a school and a health clinic have opened, new sewage drains have been laid and local men can find construction and garbage-clearing jobs that need no training. Meanwhile, the foundation has attracted some of Afghanistan's greatest craft masters to teach new students almost-lost arts of woodcarving, calligraphy and ceramics at a Centre for Traditional Afghan Arts and Architecture. And it is reviving the trade in high-end Afghan products to compete on the world design market. For Canada, which is struggling to chart a course in Afghanistan through a thorny path of bad news, Turquoise Mountain may be a peak experience. "This is a project which can have real symbolic and political significance for the international community," Stewart says. "It is a project that will bring a better life to poor men and women. It is also a chance for Canada to demonstrate its respect for Afghan culture and leave something that hopefully Afghans and Canadians will be able to point to with pride in 50 years' time."

See #1 below quoting Gates. Tom Begin forwarded message: From: "J.C. BEREZOWSKI" Date: October 12, 2007 5:33:42 PM PDT (CA) To: Subject: Fw: MARPAC's World Media & Naval Intelligence Briefs: 12 October 2007 Sent: Friday, October 12, 2007 2:39 PM Subject: MARPAC's World Media & Naval Intelligence Briefs: 12 October 2007 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- MARPAC's WORLD INTELLIGENCE BRIEF: 12 October 2007 Compliments of: Office of the Asia-Pacific Policy Advisor, Maritime Forces Pacific Headquarters, CANADA. This briefing comes to you courtesy of Maritime Forces Pacific (MARPAC), Canada's Western Naval Formation United States: "Gates outlines vision for US army" Costa Rica: "Costa Rica 'supports' US trade deal" United Kingdom: "Britain to increase defense budget" Spain: "Blast hits Spain's Basque country" Germany/Afghanistan: "German troops extend Afghan stay" Eastern Europe: "European Leaders Sign Pipeline Deal" Belarus: "Belarus to build nuclear plant" Ukraine/Russia: "Gazprom, Ukraine sign deal to settle gas debt" Russia: "Consultants give environmental approval to Sakhalin II project" Turkey/United States: "Turkey recalls ambassador to US" Sudan: "'Dozens dead' in Sudan Darfur raid" Somalia: "Attacks continue in Somalia" India: "Six detained, Bangladeshi pilgrims quizzed, live bomb found" Thailand: "27 provinces in Thailand to remain under martial law during December election" China: "China's forex reserve tops US$1.43 trillion" Paracel Islands: "Chinese tourists 'annex' Paracels" Japan/United States: "US installs missile-tracking system in Japan" -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- United States: "Gates outlines vision for US army" Al Jazeera, 10 October 2007 In a speech to the Association of the United States Army on Wednesday, US Defence Secretary Robert Gates said the future of the American military must adapt to a changing world and rethink its approach to armed conflicts on a worldwide scale. He said the Army should focus on training foreign armies to police their own people, develop cultural understanding by mastering local languages and customs, and train troops to fight smaller, more mobile, guerilla forces. Success in future wars, "will be less a matter of imposing one's will and more a function of shaping behaviour, of friends, adversaries and, most importantly, the people in between," said Gates. Costa Rica: "Costa Rica 'supports' US trade deal" Al Jazeera, 08 October 2007 Costa Ricans have voted to accept a free trade agreement with the United States by a slim margin in a recent referendum. The opposition leader, Eugenio Trejos, has called for a recount of the ballots. Nearly 60 percent of the population participated in the referendum. Despite the vote to support the deal, many Costa Ricans are staunchly opposed to such an agreement with the US because it is believed that it would open the country up to cheaper US imports and undermine local state-run businesses. Critics warn that the deal will threaten the country's free education and health care programs, whereas proponents of the deal say it is time for Costa Rica to enter into the world market and develop trade; Costa Rica is a stable democracy with greater diversification in industry and manufacturing that its neighbours. United Kingdom: "Britain to increase defense budget" Xinhua, 10 October 2007 British Chancellor of the Exchequer Alistair Darling announced in his pre-budget report on Tuesday that defence spending will increase by USD $800 million by 2010, bringing the total defence budget to $74 billion. The government will also spend $1 billion to improve accommodations for servicepeople and $7 billion on anti-terror work. Spain: "Blast hits Spain's Basque country" Al Jazeera, 09 October 2007 A car bombing in Bilbao killed a bodyguard of a local Socialist party politician on Tuesday. Although no one has claimed responsibility for the attack, the militant separatist group Basque Homeland and Freedom (ETA) is being blamed. No further details were available regarding the identity of the bodyguard's client, though a police investigation is underway. The Interior Ministry increased the national security alert status in light of the upcoming national holidays. Germany/Afghanistan: "German troops extend Afghan stay" CNN, 12 October 2007 Germany's lower house, the Bundestag, approved the extension of the deployment of 3,000 troops and six reconnaissance jets in Afghanistan for another year by a vote of 454 to 79, with 48 abstentions. German public opinion is largely against the extension after attacks on German forces and the abduction of German nationals in Afghanistan. Currently, most German troops are based in the north of Afghanistan as part of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), and have not been involved in the fighting in the troubled southern area of the country. Eastern Europe: "European Leaders Sign Pipeline Deal" Associated Press, 10 October 2007 Ministers from Azerbaijan, Georgia, Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania signed an estimated USD $700 million deal on Wednesday to build an oil pipeline that will link the Black and Baltic Seas and reduce dependence on Russian oil supplies. The 480-kilometre extension of an existing pipeline running from Odessa to Brody, Ukraine, will stretch the pipeline to Gdansk, Poland, and will have an approximate annual capacity of 14 million tons. Europe receives 25 percent of its natural gas and 33 percent of its crude oil from Russia, who has used such reliance as a diplomatic weapon over the past three years by temporarily cutting off supplies to Ukraine and Belarus, and permanently ceasing oil deliveries to Lithuania and Latvia. Belarus: "Belarus to build nuclear plant" BBC News, 11 October 2007 Alexander Lukashenko, president of Belarus, announced that his country has plans to build a nuclear power station in 2008 that will be completed by 2016 and cost USD $2.8 billion. Developing domestic nuclear energy is considered essential to guarantee "national security," said Lukashenko. Belarus is currently dependent upon Russia to supply the majority of its energy needs and tensions over fuel costs have become increasingly problematic. Ukraine/Russia: "Gazprom, Ukraine sign deal to settle gas debt" Ria Novosti, 09 October 2007 An agreement between Russian state-owned oil company Gazprom and Ukrainian Fuel and Energy Minister Yuriy Boiko on settling the Ukraine's gas debt was reached on Monday. On 09 October, Gazprom threatened to cut off gas supplies to Ukraine if the over USD $1 billion debt was not settled by the end of the month, but according to Konstantin Chuichenko, executive director of RosUkrEnergo, the sole supplier of Russian gas to Ukraine and 50 percent owned by Gazprom, the first $200 million of the money owing will be transferred by 22 October. Russia: "Consultants give environmental approval to Sakhalin II project" Ria Novosti, 09 October 2007 AEA Technology, an independent consultant to potential lenders to the Sakhalin II oil and gas project off Russia's Pacific coast, has produced a final report saying that the project is in accordance with national and international environmental laws. The venture was subject to months of pressure from Russian authorities last year, who accused it of major environmental damage on Sakhalin Island, though the dispute was resolved after the state-owned Gazprom acquired a controlling share last December. The minority partners in the project, Royal Dutch Shell, Mitsui, and Mitsubishi, hold 27.5, 12.5, and 10 percent stakes, respectively. Turkey/United States: "Turkey recalls ambassador to US" Al Jazeera, 11 October 2007 A recent vote in the US House of Representatives to describe the mass killings of Armenians by Ottoman Turks during WWI as genocide has upset the Turkish government, who have staunchly opposed any move to term the atrocities as genocidal. To emphasize their displeasure, the Turkish government recalled their ambassador to Washington indefinitely. Many in the US, including President Bush, opposed the vote to accept the term "genocide" because they did not want to further strain the relationship with a valuable ally. Turkey is crucial to US supply lines into Iraq because 30 percent of fuel shipments, 70 percent of air cargo and 95 percent of new mine-resistant armoured vehicles pass through the country. Sudan: "'Dozens dead' in Sudan Darfur raid" Al Jazeera, 09 October 2007 The Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) reported that 40 civilians and four fighters were killed in a Sudanese air and ground attack on Monday. As many as 80 people are still missing and an undetermined number of injuries were also reported. A nearby African Union peacekeeper's base said they treated over two dozen wounded but did not permit anyone to enter their compound. Jean-Marie Guehenno, head of UN peacekeeping operations said he was "very concerned" with recent escalations just prior to the 26 October peace talks in Tripoli. Guehenno also called for an increased presence of troops that are highly mobile and capable of dealing with armed aggressors. Somalia: "Attacks continue in Somalia" Al Jazeera, 10 October 2007 On Tuesday evening, anti-government rebels assaulted a police station in Mogadishu with rocket-propelled grenades and machine guns. Two insurgents were killed while a third was critically wounded. There were no reports of police casualties. Three government employees were targeted by gunmen in Mogadishu on Wednesday. Two of the victims were killed at the scene and the third was taken to hospital with severe injuries. The attack occurred while President Abdullahi Yusuf was in the capital to meet with Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi. There is mounting speculation that Yusuf intends to call a no-confidence vote to oust Gedi. Also on Wednesday, two civilians were killed and up to nine others were wounded in a roadside bombing ambush in Kismayu. India: "Six detained, Bangladeshi pilgrims quizzed, live bomb found" Hindustan Times, 12 October 2007 A day after an explosion at the Ajmer Sharif shrine killed two people and injured 17 others, a live bomb similar to the first one was found by the main gate of the shrine and defused. Six people were detained in connection to yesterday's bombing, and pilgrims of Bangladeshi origin were among those questioned by security officials, though no arrests have been made. Thailand: "27 provinces in Thailand to remain under martial law during December election" Xinhua, 12 October 2007 The National Security Council announced today that martial law will be lifted in 11 of the 35 provinces currently under it, and three other provinces will be put under martial law during the general election tentatively scheduled for 23 December. Martial law was imposed across all of Thailand's 76 provinces after last year's military coup, but was later lifted in 41 provinces, including Bangkok. The law remains in force in the remaining 35 provinces, mainly along the north and northeastern provinces, but also includes the southern provinces of Narathiwat, Yala, and Pattani, which are trouble by insurgent unrest. China: "China's forex reserve tops US$1.43 trillion" China Daily, 12 October 2007 The People's Bank of China announced today that the country's foreign exchange reserves reached USD $1.43 trillion at the end of September, up 45 percent from last year. Last month, the foreign exchange reserve rose by $25 billion, largely due to China's $185.7 billion trade surplus in the first nine months of the year, and a total of $367.3 billion has been added to the reserve in the same period. In order to make better use of the large reserves, Beijing announced the creation of the China Investment Corporate Ltd. (CIC) at the end of September; the CIC will invest its $200 billion in initial capital in overseas financial markets. Paracel Islands: "Chinese tourists 'annex' Paracels" Yomiuri Shimbun, 12 October 2007 In a new development over the disputed Paracel Islands, the Tourist Bureau of Hainan province in China has approved a project to expand group tours in islands in the South China Sea, including the Paracels. China began sightseeing tours several years ago to Yungshing Island, the main island of the Paracels, using government and military vessels to transport tourists, and Vietnam, which also claims the Islands but whose troops were evicted by China in 1974, has its own sightseeing trips. The move is an effort to solidify control over and promote full-scale development of the Paracels, which are surrounded by rich fishing grounds and potential oil and gas reserves. Japan/United States: "US installs missile-tracking system in Japan" Channel News Asia, 12 October 2007 For the first time in Japan, US forces have deployed a mobile missile-tracking station at the Misawa air base in Aomori prefecture, on the northern tip of Honshu island; another system has already been deployed in South Korea. The Joint Tactical Ground Station will alert American and Japanese defense staff of any incoming missile, and will be operated by 18 US servicepeople. The move follows the March deployment of the Patriot surface-to-air missile interception system in the Tokyo area, and the installation of Japan's first anti-missile system on Okinawa last year. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Please note that links to articles remain active only as long as the originating media source preserves them. Articles often move to an archive site within one day of publication and may be found by searching the original source's home page. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- MARPAC's WORLD NAVAL INTELLIGENCE BRIEF: 12 October 2007 Compliments of: Office of the Asia-Pacific Policy Advisor, Maritime Forces Pacific Headquarters, CANADA. This briefing comes to you courtesy of Maritime Forces Pacific (MARPAC), Canada's Western Naval Formation Canada: "Tories may be considering new submarines, say military sources" United States: "Desktop naval gazers know a sub when they see one" The Koreas: "S. Korea to develop N. Korea's Najin port W150 Billion" Japan: "Japanese patrol bomber goes aloft for the first time" Japan/Australia/United States: "Japan to conduct naval drill with U.S., Australia" Indonesia: "Indonesia to set up radars in Malacca Strait" Philippines/United States: "U.S., Philippine troops to hold joint exercises" & "US-RP military exercises resume next week" Australia: "Landmark Fleet Completed in Major Milestone for Austal" & "Amphibious Ships for Navy" & "Navy superships 'to trigger jobs boon'" -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Canada: "Tories may be considering new submarines, say military sources" The Canadian Press, 10 October 2007 Canadian media reports indicate that the office of the Minister of Defence has requested briefings regarding timelines for introducing new submarines, a move that has caused speculation about the fate of the troubled Victoria-class submarines currently in refit. The contract for a compressed-air system upgrade aboard HMCS Victoria has been put on hold. The briefings are said to have suggested that new subs would take six to eight years to become operational from the moment contracts were signed. As it stands, none of the four submarines Canada purchased from Britain are in working order, costs have already far exceeded earlier estimates and are still climbing, operational lifespan for the boats is diminishing, and once they are seaworthy, they will not be capable of conducting extended Arctic missions, which is something the government has stated is a growing priority. United States: "Desktop naval gazers know a sub when they see one" The Age, 12 October 2007 Hans Kristensen, an analyst and blogger for the Federation of American Scientists (FAS), has located a second and possibly third Chinese Jin-class submarine by using Google Earth software. Mr. Kristensen found the first publicly available images of the Jin-class subs earlier in July. Intelligence sources indicate that China may be building up to five Type 094 Jin-class submarines, each of which is capable of launching ballistic missiles that can hit targets 8000 kilometres away. As of 03 May, the time of the latest Google Earth update, the two subs were moored at the Bohai shipyard at Huludao. The Koreas: "S. Korea to develop N. Korea's Najin port W150 Billion" Chosun Ilbo, 11 October 2007 South Korea's Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, Kang Moo-hyun, said on Wednesday that his country will discuss plans to invest almost USD $163 million in the North Korean port of Najin. "In the short term, we will turn the existing port in Najin into a container port with a budget of [almost $33 million]," Kang said. "In the medium term, we will invest [about $130 million] to expand the port and build more berths. The project will be accompanied by construction of roads and railways to connect with the port." Japan: "Japanese patrol bomber goes aloft for the first time" RF Design, 10 October 2007 Kawasaki's USD $141.5 million XP-1 maritime patrol aircraft, first unveiled as the P-X, completed its first flight on 28 September from the Gifu military airbase. The XP-1 has a top speed of 500 knots and a range of 4320 nautical miles, as well as a bomb bay and eight pylons to carry anti-submarine weapons. The Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) had been seeking a replacement for its 20 year-old P-3C aircraft, and plans to acquire 80 XP-1s. Japan/Australia/United States: "Japan to conduct naval drill with U.S., Australia" Xinhua, 09 October 2007 On 17 October, Japan will conduct a naval drill with the US and Australia off the coast of the southern island of Kyushu. Two destroyers and two P-3C anti-submarine patrol planes from the JMSDF will join one P-3C plane each from the US and Australian navies in the small scale drill. Indonesia: "Indonesia to set up radars in Malacca Strait" Xinhua, 10 October 2007 Following an announcement last week on the establishment of radars along the coastline of the Makassar Strait, Navy Chief of Staff Admiral Slamet Soebijanto said on Wednesday that the construction of four of nine radars along the Malacca Strait is complete, with the remainder to be completed this year. Two of the four completed radars were funded by Jakarta, while the other two were subsidized by Washington. Philippines/United States: "U.S., Philippine troops to hold joint exercises" & "US-RP military exercises resume next week" Xinhua, 10 October 2007 & Manila Times, 11 October 2007 Starting on Monday next week until 31 October, the US and Philippine Armed Forces will begin the annual joint exercise "Talon Vision and Amphibious Landing Exercise" (PHIBLEX) in an effort to improve interoperability between the two countries' forces. The exercise, being held in in Central Luzon and in Calabarzon, will include around 6,500 US and Filipino troops, including US Marines and sailors from Japan. American and Filipino forces will also participate in community outreach projects, such as repairing local schools and holding free medical and dental clinics. Australia: "Landmark Fleet Completed in Major Milestone for Austal" & "Amphibious Ships for Navy" & "Navy superships 'to trigger jobs boon'" Defense-aerospace, 08 & 09 October 2007 & Sydney Morning Herald, 09 October 2007 Australian shipbuilder Austal has successfully completed the last of the 14-vessel Armidale-class patrol boat fleet, with the final ship, the Glenelg, officially named last Saturday. The fleet, which will replace the aging Fremantle-class patrol boats, will primarily carry out surveillance, interception, investigation, and apprehension of ships suspected of illegal fishing, quarantine, or customs offences. As well, Prime Minister John Howard announced on Tuesday the signing of a USD $2.8 billion deal to build two new amphibious ships for the Royal Australian Navy. The first, HMAS Canberra, is slated for delivery in 2013 and will replace HMAS Tobruk, and the second,HMAS Adelaide, is scheduled for completion by 2015 and will replace either HMAS Manora or Kanimbla. The two ships will be able to land approximately 1,000 personnel along with their vehicles, and will feature two operating theatres and a hospital ward. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Please note that links to articles remain active only as long as the originating media source preserves them. Articles often move to an archive site within one day of publication and may be found by searching the original source's home page

Yup, that's great! I would also add in something like: Should Canada continue to provide (effectively non-accountable) budgetary support to a corrupt government for (eg) paying policemen's salaries? Tom

Hi Tom, What do you think of the following as a start? Larry CIDA has recently established a Branch/Division to deal with Afghanistan. As at the end of September 2007 the unit was to be fully operational. To date the majority of CIDAs financing has been to contribute to multilateral projects however it is their intent to become more actively involved in projects. Afghanistan raises several development issues: should CIDA only focus its development in Kandahar, complementing Canadas military since that is the Canadian Governments chosen focus, if and how development and the military can collaborate and support the others efforts; how can development be done without contributing to the continued growth of opium poppies; how to do development in a country with corrupt warlords and government. Obviously there are many more issues; you are invited to comment on the above and any others.

One of the better pieces on Afghanistan Afghan Diary: A Tour Of Kabul And The Troubled South Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty Friday, September 21, 2007 RFE/RL's Brussels correspondent, Ahto Lobjakas, spent a week with NATO-led troops in Afghanistan this month. The trip was organized by NATO for European journalists to show them the reality on the ground for troops in the International Security Assistance Force. In his Afghan diary, Lobjakas takes us from Kabul to Kandahar and two other southern provinces, where the Taliban insurgency is strongest and opium-poppy cultivation hardest to eradicate. Read his accounts of the challenges faced by ISAF reconstruction teams working in the south -- including locals' suspicion and unease; a helicopter journey where machine-gun bursts barely raise an eyebrow; a Humvee ride where he gets an impromptu training session in handling ammunition; and how ISAF troops and ordinary Afghans live such separate lives that Kabul's bazaars mostly come to ISAF, instead of the other way round. Part One: Security On Kabul's Chicken Street Western travelers unable to take advantage of military means of transportation and obliged to resort to the services of commercial air carriers to reach Afghanistan may be forgiven for not thinking themselves particularly welcome on arrival. Typically, the trip from any Western European destination to Kabul takes about 24 hours. Mine, originating from Brussels, features stopovers in Vienna (a reasonably pleasant two hours) and Dubai (a hellish logistical nightmare). Once the KamAir flight leaves Dubai, Kabul in midmorning seems a very inviting prospect. Not for long. The frankly Soviet entry formalities (and I speak from experience) quickly sap whatever reserves of goodwill and wanderlust I have retained from the journey. The 20-meter line (actually never less than two intersnaking queues) to the immigration official in his glass cage takes more than an hour. Then, at the very point of being reunited with my luggage -- in what seems like an act of God after the chaos in Dubai -- officials beckon toward another line. In time, the official at the end of this line presents me with a form seeking numerous particulars of my journey, authored by the Foreign Department of the Interior Ministry. But like in what used to be the Soviet Union, the chinovniks in Afghanistan do not speak for the people. Once outside the airport, unadulterated hospitality and bonhomie overwhelmed me. Gandamack Lodge, the home of the small party of NATO-sponsored European journalists and our minder, a genial lieutenant-colonel, has sent a minivan. The lodge, centrally located and yet removed from the hustle and bustle of Kabul, is all smiles. Not cheap, it offers near-European comfort without ever letting me forget I am in Afghanistan. Nineteenth-century guns grace its walls, a local salesman is installed in the hallway, a flock of ducks walks the garden. 'Fear Has Sharp Eyes' The question uppermost in my mind since the start of the journey has been that of security. The hotel, behind its two sets of gates and surrounded by other friendly, secure compounds, appears safe enough. Of the various officials I quizzed on the subject prior to my departure, an overwhelming majority cautioned against wandering the streets without armed protection from ISAF, NATO's incarnation in Afghanistan, sporting the 26 allies and 11 other concerned nations. Fear has sharp eyes, as they say in Estonia. Kabul, fortunately, still remains eminently approachable for low-key Western visitors guided by an experienced local minder. Which is not to say that the fears expressed by officials are wholly groundless, but the fact remains that Western civilians attract no immediate hostile attention. (This also holds for Kandahar, where I was taken on a three-hour tour of the city by a local "fixer" in his battered Nissan during a similar trip in February.) It is the Western military which provides the targets of choice, and bomb and suicide attacks on military vehicles claim nearly all of the Western victims in Afghanistan. The exceptions -- where civilians have been targeted -- have almost always featured remote rural settings. The obsession with security is brought into unexpected focus, however, on the famous Chicken Street, just around the corner from my hotel. A riot of little boys quickly assembles around our small party of Westerners, good-humoredly clamoring, "Who is your bodyguard?" and "I am your bodyguard!" Leaving Chicken Street, I decide to reward their concern with our safety, against most of my companions' warnings ("They'll be at each other's throats."). I change some dollars with a taxi driver whose services our fixer has engaged to take us to the mausoleum overlooking the city, and pay off my five bodyguards with 10 afghanis -- roughly $0.20 -- each. This turns out to be a reasonable rate of remuneration, as I later find out that it equals the price of a loaf of the most common type of flat bread. The "bodyguards" accept their wages with good grace, and two who said they were brothers serenely share a 20-afghani note. This encounter serves as a reminder that an Afghan's working life starts from an early age. The little boys were all about 8 to 10 years of age. In this light, the oft-quoted statistic that the median age of the Afghan population is 17.6 years takes on a very different significance. At 17.6, the median Afghan will have spent long years contributing to his or her family's income. And if Chicken Street, Kabul's most flamboyant commercial artery, is anything to go by, life in the Afghan capital is not easy for its traders and their minions. At best, it idles. Although there is a small Western presence in the town, the thousands of ISAF personnel stationed in and around Kabul rarely, if ever, venture out of their compounds on social errands. In fact, Chicken Street is officially off-limits for ISAF members. Ordinary tourists, meanwhile, are few and far between. On this particular Saturday, I saw none during my two hours out on the town. There are a few brave souls -- mostly journalists and NGO personnel -- who keep a semblance of nightlife going in Kabul. But this is an anaemic world that exists in almost total isolation from the average Afghan's daily grind. The many generators that line the streets in central Kabul tell a similar story. The capital can rely on six to eight hours of grid-provided electricity a day, and even that is, at best, an erratic supply. The open gutters, possibly Kabul's worst eyesore, proffer similar melancholy testimony. They also remain a health hazard of more than passing relevance. ISAF officials like to quote a (possibly apocryphal) study purporting to establish that up to one-third of Kabul's ever-present dust is fecal in origin. This would certainly explain the draconian hygiene measures in force at all ISAF compounds. A fair part of soldiers' waking lives in Afghanistan is spent washing their hands. Afghan Diary, Part 2: The Challenge Of The 'Pashtun Belt' NATO, or ISAF (I shall take the liberty of using the two terms interchangeably), have kindly seen fit to treat me to three days of visiting Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in three different southern provinces -- Kandahar, Zabul, and Uruzgan. PRTs form the nexus of the conundrum facing ISAF in Afghanistan. "There can be no security without reconstruction, and no reconstruction without security" has become something of a mantra for NATO's secretary-general, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer. There are 25 PRTs in Afghanistan (one per province, with nine provinces yet to acquire one), and the three listed above are arguably among the most crucial, given that NATO's toughest challenge lies in the southern Afghan part of the wider "Pashtun belt." That challenge combines the double menace of the Taliban insurgency and poppy cultivation. That the recent resurgence of the Taliban in the south of the country closely shadows increases in poppy cultivation is commonly noted by ISAF officials. That the Taliban is a 99-percent Pashtun phenomenon is a somewhat more reluctantly acknowledged, but nonetheless equally incontrovertible, truth. As my small party was about to embark on its tour, we were told in passing that we would on each leg be joined by a couple of our Afghan colleagues. None ever materialized, however, and after the initial excitement subsided I later asked an ISAF media officer what had happened. I was told that on the first day, one local journalist had turned up at the gates of the wrong compound, where the guards had not been briefed. Two others had arrived at the right ISAF camp, one carrying an expired Afghan press ID and the other an inexpertly forged ISAF pass. Both were detained, questioned for hours, and eventually released. Why the two had taken such liberties was never clearly explained, nor possibly understood, by ISAF personnel. On another day, a local colleague was apparently on the cusp of accompanying us to Zabul, but then backed out, reportedly for fear of missing the beginning of Ramadan that same night. Ramadan, as a phenomenon, does not impinge on ISAF's military routine much. ISAF officials and troops are, however, keen to show respect for local traditions in their contacts with Afghans. So in Uruzgan, the Dutch troops at the Chora outpost, living cheek by jowl with an Afghan National Army (ANA) detachment, decided to forego lunch in a one-off gesture on the first day of the fasting month. Which meant the same for our visiting party of journalists. (On a culinary note, as we spent most of our time on base, nearly all of our meals consisted of military fare -- plentiful and wholesome, but prone to repetition and routine. None of it is local, and the amounts wasted look biblical.) Seat Of Pashtun Power Kandahar, our first destination, took us to the historical seat of Pashtun political ambition. Modern Afghan kings hail from the region, as does the Taliban, as does President Hamid Karzai. The Kandahar PRT, located on the outskirts of the city, has Canada as its lead nation. Its corridors currently ring with pronounced French accents, as the country is for the time being represented in Afghanistan by the 22 Regiment, which hails from Quebec. The PRT is involved in projects -- whose numbers vastly exceed expectations -- intended to improve local welfare, such as funding schools, hospitals, bridges, and wells. I am taken to see a cutting-edge ISAF project -- a shura, or council, turned into a District Development Assembly, which convenes local tribal elders on a regular basis for discussions of what amount to regional development plans. The hope is the local elders will prepare themselves for the challenges of institutionalized self-government, learning on the job. Dand district, whose shura I visit, is a reputed Taliban stronghold. Neither I -- nor ostensibly anyone at ISAF -- knows whether any of the men we meet are Taliban sympathizers. I then go to see a canal built with ISAF funds, but the crafty "malik" -- a local village administrator -- redirects my group to where he wants ISAF to build a new bridge. Three schools of thought are in evidence as to why a bridge is required. The malik says it would give the 366-hearth village direct access to their grape fields. Some of our Canadian escorts appear to believe the fields are, in fact, a cannabis plantation. Higher-ranked ISAF functionaries say they believe the villagers grow pomegranates. More than 50 PRT projects are currently in progress in the neighboring Panjwayi and Zhari districts. Both districts, southwest of Kandahar city, are currently a key battleground in ISAF's fight against the Taliban. ISAF forces routed a large Taliban force there in late 2006 and declared a conventional victory. However, as the Canadians pulled back, their casualty-stricken forces, the ANA, and the Afghan National Police (ANP) proved incapable of holding on to the gains and the Taliban started reinfiltrating. This is exactly the kind of circumstance on which turns the shorter- and medium-term success of ISAF in the south of Afghanistan. A senior ISAF official told me in Kabul that domestic stability is only sustainably achieved by nonmilitary means. ISAF would therefore like to see the ANP become funded as generously as the ANA. Things are moving in the right direction, but the challenges are formidable -- particularly corruption, widely believed by the public to be rife at all political levels. Meanwhile, it is not all clear sailing for the chief of ANA's southern 205th Corps in Kandahar, Brigadier General Gul Aqa. He first says the ANA has the Taliban on the run, but then admits the ANA cannot stand without ISAF backing. He assures me no poppies are being grown anywhere near where the ANA's 205th Corps has planted its eagles. Which means the ANA is steering clear of Afghanistan's worst problem. This brings us back to the ANP. The third showpiece project I'm shown is a police substation in northwestern Kandahar. The police in Afghanistan have such a bad rap that the local authorities have banned officers from giving interviews. This is an interdiction Canadian ISAF troops enforce with bizarre zeal. They say they do not want to complicate relations with the governor, a key pillar of support. The little we manage to extract from the police chief suggests he has not had any contact with the Taliban, nor does he wish to have any. Thus, the circle closes. ISAF says it is in Afghanistan at the invitation of the Afghan government and only does what the government asks. Its officials admit poppy cultivation and the insurgency are inextricably linked. Yet ISAF won't touch the opium trade, partly because it fears fatalities, and partly because the government hasn't asked it to. Which leaves the government to its own devices. It appears to be expected to "uncorrupt" itself and lift itself out of the morass it finds itself in. Afghan Diary, Part 3: Mystery And Suspicion In Zabul The day begins with an early morning helicopter jaunt from Kandahar Airfield to Forward Operations Base (FOB) Lagman, 160 kilometers away, which takes us under an hour. The scenery variously consists of yellowish-gray desert welted with innumerable track marks, isolated mud-walled compounds, beer garden-style nomad tents, camels, nomads themselves, impossible-to-date traces of habitation, and agricultural activity. The vista, with the occasional mountain jutting out of an otherwise apocalyptic plain, is reminiscent of something out of J.R.R. Tolkien. (Incidentally, ferrying my group around involves considerable NATO outlay at an hourly cost of about $2,000 per Black Hawk, of which we need two.) The trip passes uneventfully, not counting an interlude when both machine guns appear to fire short bursts at targets on the ground. These, we are told, were apparently provoked by ground fire. This is later contradicted by others who suggest that test firing is standard practice for Black Hawk crews. At Lagman, I furtively witness a commemoration ceremony for a U.S. soldier killed the week before, timed to coincide with the anniversary of the 9/11 attacks. The Romanians then take us on a 25-kilometer patrol between FOB Lagman (500 men) and the smaller and fairly isolated FOB Masoud (50-strong). ISAF traffic along the road apparently attracts improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and small-arms fire. That very morning, a seven-ton Afghan National Army truck was hit by an IED on the other side of FOB Masoud. The trip to Masoud and back therefore takes twice the usual time -- two-and-a-half hours. As we set out in Humvees for Masoud, the commander of my vehicle instructs us in how to release machine-gun cartridges from their storing place and asks us to pass them to the gunner should he start firing. The commander also shows us where the handguns are kept, asking us to pass them on too, if necessary. It reminds me of a story making the rounds of ISAF media circles, about a Western TV journalist who reportedly came under fire when embedded with NATO troops last year. The story goes that, after he ran out of videotape, he grabbed a submachine gun and started firing at insurgents himself. The incident sparked a lively debate in Western media circles in Afghanistan, and the consensus appears to be that the man brought the trade into disrepute. As journalists, we lay claim to -- and depend on -- our neutrality. Also, as a civilian, the TV reporter may well have been culpable under Afghan law. ISAF enjoys negotiated immunity, but that does not extend to all Westerners. And so, sitting next to the cartridges on that Romanian Humvee, I couldn't help thinking, "What if? Where to draw the line?" 'Farm By Day, Fight By Night' ISAF justifies countryside patrols with the need for "visibility" -- to win the hearts of the presumably friendly locals, but more importantly, to strike fear among the Taliban. Zabul is a notorious transit corridor for foreign militants. In Kandahar and Helmand a similar logic applies, with an even stronger emphasis on intimidation. This, however, may be counterproductive. Much of the anecdotal evidence I have come across suggests the Taliban is a grass-roots phenomenon, better understood in terms of perceived local grievances than highly organized jihadist ideology. Estonian troops fighting in Helmand told me in February that the enemy "farms by day and fights by night." A local elder from Dand district near Kandahar insisted that NATO, as much as Pakistani-based militants, is to blame for stoking up resentment among the locals. Every aggressive armored foray into a local neighborhood, every "collateral" death, the very evidence of an ill-understood Western presence, is a challenge to the local community, its age-old ways, fierce traditions of self-sufficiency, and unbending autonomy. Here, "visibility" can easily give offense. The Dand elder said that fighting the Taliban will only make it stronger. Instead, NATO must talk to the Taliban, he said. It is striking how little NATO professes to know about its enemy. It routinely distinguishes between "Tier One" militant "irreconcilables" and "Tier Two" foot soldiers, motivated by greed and a list of other mundane concerns. But officials concede most of this is no more than guesswork. Things appear more complex. Much of the backbone of the unrest in the Pashtun south seems to involve a "Tier Three" of the Taliban -- locals who are simply ignorant of ISAF's goals. One ISAF officer tells me that after ISAF first arrived in 2006, many locals believed "the Russians had returned." The Dand elder says local people still don't know "if the foreigners are coming for cooperation and rebuilding, or just to fight and get the country in their hands." This suggests ISAF must do more to explain itself. ISAF is now trying to do this, and the Dand elder is part of a cutting-edge outreach project to coax durable self-governing structures out of the existing "informal networks of authority" in the region. ISAF offers development aid, but the locals decide where, what, and when. The problem is this requires time. Meanwhile, aggressive ISAF "visibility" undoes the long-term good work on a daily basis. Every car which does not stop to let an ISAF convoy pass is in real danger of being fired upon. A little boy propelling a wheel on the roadside causes serious consternation in the Humvee that took me around in Zabul today. You can't argue with the consternation. The Romanians lost a man last week in an IED attack. But something needs to change. Because there were no friendly faces among the locals as we drove through Zabul. There were, however, little boys miming the pulling of triggers and explosions. I had seen the same mimics in Kandahar the day before. There, a rock thrown by a child landed in my vehicle in a minuscule act of defiance. The absence of elementary welcome in a society where everything traditionally revolves around the notion of hospitality is worrying. Afghan Diary, Part 4: 'You Can Go From Being Smiled At To Being Shot At' As methods of transportation go, a military helicopter is superior to everything else in Afghanistan. It is fast, reliable, relatively safe, and offers unrivalled aerial views. Again, as on the way to Zabul, my trip this day to Uruzgan from Kandahar takes me gradually out of the gray-brown dustbowl of the desert into mountains which first resemble immense crumbling boulders and are later replaced with younger-looking volcanic ridges, sporting unexpected pink and purple streaks. Again, there are the clay-walled domestic compounds, evidence of agriculture (largely neglected), checkerboard herds of white and black goats routinely scattered by the helicopters, and the imperturbable camels. The countryside seems to be made for heat, in a Switzerland-meets-the-Sahara fashion. Signs of temporary respite exist in the shape of seasonal riverbeds and wadis. Most human habitation clings to verdant slivers of vegetation following rivers, but there are plenty of settlements in the arid highlands and the seemingly uninhabitable deserts. My first stopover is at FOB Ripley, or more precisely in its Dutch part called Kamp Holland (the camp is shared with the Australians). We observe ANA soldiers performing a mock vehicle check under the tutelage of Australian instructors. The ANA men are engineers by trade, but their Australian trainer says all skills come in handy "behind the wire." I chat with the Afghan soldiers, one of whom speaks English. A Pashtun hailing from Peshawar in Pakistan, he says loyalty to his country was what brought him into the army. He says "Americans" (read ISAF) are friends of the Afghan people, whereas those who do not like them are "enemies of the people." The soldier says he feels at ease wearing his uniform in the provincial capital, Tarin Kowt, but adds that he would not do so in Chora. Which is precisely where I am headed next. Frequent Attacks Chora is a small Dutch base situated amidst a patchwork of areas that ISAF describes as being mostly "nonpermissive." In a "nonpermissive" environment, attacks on ISAF troops are regular. Boundaries here are fluid, the Dutch like to stress. "Going around a corner, you can go from being smiled at to being shot at," says one soldier. We are initially scheduled to go on a patrol with the Dutch troops in a "permissive" area adjacent to their camp, but an early morning rocket attack (which does not hit either the Dutch or the nearby ANA camp) puts an end to that -- though the experience ought to be routine, as the Dutch say they suffer one attack a day. After landing in a helicopter-generated sandstorm, I walk past an assembly of morose, tense-looking locals and enter the camp -- to emerge one-and-a-half hours later as the Black Hawks return. The compound is surrounded on three sides by towering mountains, but the Dutch soldiers do not appear cowed. To the contrary, they proudly recount the breaking of a three-day Taliban siege in late June. That, an ISAF official later says, had been the Taliban's only serious attempt this year to take the fight to NATO. Again, I chat to ANA soldiers who say the Taliban are "strong" in the area. They say they are eager to fight, but complain they remain dependent on ISAF for air cover. They also tell me many Taliban are local. "They come from Kala-Kala," says one, referring to a notorious regional Taliban stronghold. A Dutch officer concurs, saying "more than half" of the Taliban are locals with mostly petty grudges that drive them to armed violence. He says the mood of a given locality could depend on a plethora of circumstances, among them views of the local mullahs and elders, and considerations linked to criminal enterprises. The latter is a euphemism for poppy growing, a popular pastime in Uruzgan, with two yearly crops. The ANA soldiers also tell me that most foreign Taliban are Pakistanis, Arabs, Uzbeks, and Chechens. Like ISAF officials, they say they've learned this information from intercepted radio chatter. The Dutch appear to take a more "caring" approach to their ISAF tasks than is the rule in the south. One senior officer says that while the security of the troops remains paramount, they always "try not to physically hurt anyone." He also says there is "no one solution" in Uruzgan, adding that the Dutch take the time to find individual solutions to each situation -- ranging from repulsing Taliban advances by force to talking to community leaders to ease local tensions. On the way back, we fly over a green rural neighborhood emitting heady wafts of what reminds many in my party of the smell of cannabis. Afghan Diary, Part 5: Leaving, The Afghan Way There are two ways of getting in and out of Afghanistan: the military way and the civilian way. One entails no visas or passport checks, no customs or baksheesh. The other features all of the above and more. Often much more. One offers little in the way of entertainment value; the other tests the most tolerant of temperaments. One eliminates all Afghan involvement; the other is wholly Afghan, with a vengeance. This time, I left the country the Afghan way, which, briefly, took place as follows. Gandamack Lodge courtesy taxis whisked my little group through the serene and sunny streets of Kabul to the airport without major incident (not counting an emergency stop to accommodate a colleague who had picked up a nasty stomach bug the previous day). At the gates of the airport, men in uniforms perfunctorily check cars and paperwork. One approaches the first car in our convoy, and the driver informs us we need to alight and present ourselves for "checking," pointing to an adjacent building. I deflect the request, saying our NATO minder, sitting in the second car, calls the shots. After a brief delay, we proceed unchecked. It later transpires our minder had greased the wheels with a $20 note. We arrive at the parking lot where, without overt ceremony, porters with trolleys begin carting our luggage unbidden toward the main terminal. We pass two checkpoints, free of charge, and the porter deposits us at another gate. His place is taken by a slicker-looking man, who retains the trolley. Once inside the building, our new guide points to a window, saying, "$10 airport tax," and returns a minute later with a tax receipt and incorrect change. He then makes the suggestion, "$5, no problem." I resist and continue doing so as the price drops: "$3, no problem," then, "$2, no problem." Edging ahead sideways toward the next uniforms at the next entranceway, I suggest the porter consider the baksheesh received, on account of the missing dollar in the change. The porter protests, but seems unwilling or unable to accompany me past the next checkpoint. This involves a metal detector, which I pass without further investment. Having regained possession of my bags, I round a corner, coming face to face with a young man in mufti, who in rapid and exemplary American-inflected English rattles off the instruction, "$2 government tax on bags, and tips for the guys, whatever you like." He proceeds to tie two plastic ribbons onto my bag. I pay up, but do not tip. I am then handed over to a man in blue overalls who asks me, "Window or aisle?" I automatically respond "window," and the man conveys my request to the check-in desk. I pay him $1, and am presented with a boarding pass entitling me to a window seat. This concludes my investment in the proceedings. I later hear that hardier colleagues managed to negotiate their way without paying a dollar, whereas others could be said to have overtipped. 'Looking Is For Free' This show of entrepreneurial spirit is part of the same continuum displayed in the weekly bazaars in larger ISAF compounds, one of which I had visited that morning. There, dozens of select merchants (selected how I never learned, but there must be thousands of them in Kabul) hawk carpets and other wares and engage older hands in leisurely bouts of haggling. Acceding to the exhortation, "Sir, looking is for free" usually results in significant expenses. The Afghans' commercial adeptness seems more than justified by the sense of complicity inculcated in the customers by the fact that the DVDs, CDs, watches, and sunglasses -- which sell best at these bazaars -- are all counterfeit. The bazaars are as close as most NATO soldiers and officials get to real Afghan ambience without body armor. ISAF employees braving the streets of Kabul in civilian clothes are few and far between (in fact, I know of only one), and Kandahar, for example, is completely out of bounds. This serves to highlight the chasm that exists between the reality of ordinary Afghans and that of ISAF personnel mandated to assist them in the betterment of their lot. Locals do work in ISAF camps in numbers, but their presence is limited to the absolute minimum. At Kandahar Airfield, I'm was told that not a single local stays overnight in the 10,000-strong camp. The separation between the two worlds extends all the way to separate toilet facilities. The fact that ISAF and ordinary Afghans live worlds apart has implications going beyond the humdrum. There are people within ISAF who recognize that such a degree of self-insulation against the Afghan reality can only work to the detriment of the Western stabilization effort. There are (muted) calls for a bolder and more open ISAF presence -- for example, in the form of foot patrols in places like Kandahar. But the bitter truth remains that as things stand, few if any ISAF nations are prepared to take such risks. The mind boggles, but fIve years into ISAF's presence in Afghanistan, a journalist in the company of an experienced local "fixer" is incomparably safer in the streets of downtown Kabul or even Kandahar than the members of an armored military patrol. One cannot but wonder how much this chasm is going to cost ISAF in the long run.